The Intersection of NU, Muhammadiyah, and Gerwani: Competing Feminism Visions in Indonesia
NU, Muhammadiyah, and Gerwani have shaped Indonesia’s feminist landscape through distinct religious and political approaches, reflecting the tension between tradition and progress.
The history of Indonesian feminism is shaped by competing ideologies, shifting alliances, and resilience in the face of political and cultural repression. Among the most influential forces in this narrative are Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia’s largest Islamic organization, and Gerwani (Gerakan Wanita Indonesia), the leftist women’s movement, dismantled following the 1965 purge.
While these groups pursued distinct visions for women’s rights, their histories intersect in ways that continue to shape contemporary gender discourse. Alongside, Muhammadiyah women’s activism through Aisyiyah and the emergence of the Indonesian Women Ulema Congress (KUPI) further enrich this landscape, illustrating how Islamic feminism in Indonesia has evolved over time.
Feminism, often defined as a Western framework advocating for equality between the sexes, carries different connotations in Indonesia. Many Indonesian women reject the label “feminist” because it is seen as self-serving and individualistic. Instead, they identify as gender activists, a term rooted in religious and communal values.
For these women, feminism is not about individual liberation but about collective empowerment within the framework of faith and community. In this article, feminism will be used as a framework to understand how religious and communal gender activism intersect, rather than as a strictly Western or individualist ideology.
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Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah’s Approach to Women’s Rights
NU and Muhammadiyah, Indonesia’s two largest Islamic organizations, have distinct approaches to women’s rights. Founded in 1926 in response to both nationalist movements and Muhammadiyah’s modernist Islam, NU sought to preserve traditionalist religious teachings. Its women’s wing, Muslimat NU, and the youth-oriented Fatayat NU have played key roles in advocating for women’s access to education, healthcare, and social welfare—while staying aligned with Islamic values.
While this article primarily focuses on NU, Muhammadiyah’s influence on gender activism offers an important point of comparison. Aisyiyah, established in 1917 as part of Muhammadiyah, shares similar goals but follows a more modernist interpretation of Islam. It has historically worked within state structures to promote women’s education and economic participation while maintaining religious principles. Unlike NU, which is decentralized and shaped by diverse regional perspectives, Muhammadiyah’s more centralized structure has allowed Aisyiyah to influence organizational policy more directly. However, both organizations emphasize community well-being over individualist notions of feminism.
Despite their contributions to women’s advocacy, both NU and Muhammadiyah have struggled to elevate women to leadership positions. Muslimat NU has provided a crucial platform for women’s activism, but structural barriers continue to limit women’s influence at the highest levels of leadership. This reflects broader societal challenges in recognizing female authority, particularly within religious institutions.
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Gerwani and the radical feminist agenda
Founded in 1950, Gerwani emerged as a leading force in progressive feminist activism, challenging the traditional roles assigned to women in Indonesian society. Unlike Islamic feminists from Muslimat NU or Aisyiyah, which focused on domestic responsibilities and religious teachings—such as learning the Quran to become better mothers—Gerwani pushed for labor rights, equal pay, access to education, and political participation.
By the early 1960s, Gerwani had grown into one of Indonesia’s most influential feminist organizations, with over 1.5 million members. The movement actively lobbied for legal reforms to dismantle workplace discrimination and empower women in politics and labor unions. It also led grassroots literacy programs, particularly targeting rural women, to strengthen their leadership potential.
Gerwani’s radical approach, which prioritized political mobilization over religious frameworks, sparked strong resistance from conservative and nationalist groups. As an affiliate of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), it framed women’s liberation as part of a broader class struggle, aligning itself with socialist ideals.
Islamic organizations, like NU and Muhammadiyah, were extremely concerned with the PKI’s lack of religious commitment. Anshor, the youth wing of NU, even played a role in the anti-communist violent of 1965-66. This marked a shift from their political engagement to be intertwined with state militarily rather than only focus on religion. In 1965, a military coup led by Soeharto’s New Order framed Gerwani as dangerous and immoral communist witches, and the women’s group ceased to exist, leaving Islamic organizations as the dominant voices in women’s activism, shaping the future of gender discourse in Indonesia.
Also read: Confronting History’s Cruel Treatment of Gerwani Women
The evolution of NU’s feminist discourse and the rise of KUPI
Despite its historical role in suppressing leftist women’s movements, NU has since embraced a more progressive stance on gender justice. Muslimat NU and Fatayat NU have expanded their advocacy to include legal protections against gender-based violence and greater female participation in religious leadership. However, the formation of the Indonesian Women Ulama Congress (KUPI) in 2017 marked a significant departure from NU’s cautious approach.
KUPI, composed of women Islamic scholars, activists, and religious leaders, has issued progressive fatwas on gender justice, criminalizing sexual violence, and prohibiting child marriage. Compared to Muhammadiyah, it is far more activist-focused and less reliant on gradualist approaches to reform.
Furthermore, unlike NU’s more traditionalist framework, KUPI directly challenges patriarchal interpretations of Islamic law, pushing for systemic reform. However, not all NU members support KUPI’s initiatives, highlighting internal ideological tensions.
Also read: How to Make Islam Compatible with Feminism and Vice Versa
Feminism and the Indonesian State: A complex relationship
The erasure of Gerwani had long-term implications for gender politics in Indonesia. Soeharto’s New Order regime institutionalized a restrictive gender ideology through organizations like Dharma Wanita, which promoted women’s roles as wives of bureaucrats and mothers. This framework stalled progressive feminist movements and reinforced state-sanctioned gender activism, such as inaugurating Megawati Sukarnoputri to office.
Since the fall of Soeharto, Indonesia has made incremental progress in women’s rights, with laws addressing domestic violence, child marriage, and workplace equality. However, enforcement remains weak, particularly in rural areas where conservative norms persist. NU and Muhammadiyah continue to mediate between state policies and grassroots activism, pushing for reforms while maintaining religious legitimacy. Nevertheless, it remains uncertain whether the state will fully accommodate feminist movements that operate outside of Islamic frameworks.
The historical intersection of NU, Muhammadiyah, and Gerwani underscores competing yet significant visions of gender justice. While Gerwani’s radical, socialist feminism was violently suppressed, NU’s religiously rooted gender activism evolved within state-sanctioned limits, and Muhammadiyah maintained a modernist but cautious approach. Today, KUPI represents a new wave of Islamic feminism, actively challenging patriarchal interpretations of Islam while working within religious discourse.
Indonesia’s feminist future will likely be a synthesis of these traditions, shaped by the persistent efforts of Indonesian women demanding justice. Whether through NU, Muhammadiyah, KUPI, or grassroots activism, the struggle for women’s rights in Indonesia is far from over.
Sofia Shah is a U.S. State Department fellow who studies Indonesian culture and language. She researches Indonesian women’s economic participation and has been recognized by the Association for Asian Studies for her work. In her free time, she competitively debates on topics like international relations and theories of politics.
Ilustrasi oleh Karina Tungari
